Wednesday, 29 July 2015

When is the best time of day to keep a diary?

By guest blogger Jordan Gaines Lewis

For over 15 years now, I’ve faithfully kept a diary. Every night, from age 11 until my senior year of university, I snuggled into my bedsheets and rehashed the day’s events before nodding off to sleep. Even though I’m more likely to scribble down my thoughts just once or twice a week nowadays, I’ve found that writing in a diary before bed is a fun way to capture my memories – no matter how frivolous – to enjoy again years down the road.

Now a new study, published recently in The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, suggests that my nightly routine might help with something else: being able to recall a specific day’s events from memory weeks later. Importantly, however, I may be at a greater advantage than some diarists because I typically write in my diary just before hitting the pillow, instead of waiting until the next morning.


Cognitive psychologist Ágnes Szőllősi and her colleagues were interested in exploring how autobiographical memories, or personal memories of one’s life experiences, can be influenced by the time at which they’re recorded and consolidated. Because it’s known that sleep has a beneficial effect on learning and long-term memory formation, the authors hypothesised that people who recorded the day’s events in the evening just before bed would recall more events 30 days later than those who chronicled their day the next morning.

To test this, Szőllősi and her colleagues recruited 109 young adults between the ages of 18 and 25 to keep a written diary online. The age range was purposely narrow to control for circadian effects, as young people tend to perform better at tasks in the evening than older adults.

The participants were divided into three groups: those who recorded their notes in the evening, just before bed, about an event that they had experienced earlier that same day (Group 1); those who recorded in the morning, right after waking, an event from the previous day (Group 2); and those who recorded in the evening, just before bed, an event from the previous day (Group 3). In addition to keeping their diary for five consecutive days, participants also rated the personal importance of the events they’d written about (on a scale of 1 to 5), the duration of the events, and the amount of sleep they’d had the night before.

Thirty days later, all participants were instructed to describe as many of the previously-recorded events as they could, and how certain they were about their recollections (on a scale of 1 to 5). “Recall rate” was then calculated as the percentage of recalled events out of those recorded initially in the online diary.

Importantly, there were no differences between the groups in the way that they kept their diaries: the number of recorded events, the length of descriptions (word count), ratings of personal importance, and duration of the events, were the same for all three groups. Nor were there any group differences in the amount of time the participants reported sleeping.

And yet, recall rate was nearly 10 per cent lower in Group 2 – these were the participants who chronicled the previous day’s events in the morning after awakening – compared to the two evening groups. Despite differences in how the groups performed, however, the three groups scored similarly in ratings of certainty – in other words, the evening diarists didn’t seem to know their memories were more accurate. Also, the evening benefit applied to all event memories equally, regardless of their personal significance.

The researchers concluded that the time of memory reactivation (in this case, the time at which an event is described in a diary) affects how the memories are reconsolidated. But why? Szőllősi and her colleagues suggest that when a memory is in an “unstable” form (which is what happens after reactivation – in this case, after writing about an event in a diary), it’s vulnerable to interference. When participants wrote in their diary in the morning, interfering events that took place later in the day could disrupt the consolidation process. However, when done right before bed – whether on the day of the event or even 24 hours later – sleep may work to re-stabilise and consolidate these memories.

To examine this hypothesis further – and given the effect of age on circadian preference – it would be interesting to re-run this experiment in older adults, as they tend to perform better on memory and cognitive tasks in the morning compared to young adults.

The new results might be useful if you’re considering using a daily diary as a way to keep happy memories alive – such as on holiday, say, or charting a special period in your child’s development. By recording your reflections in the evening rather than the morning, you’ll be carving the memories deeper in your own mind.

However, my own motives are different – I’ll keep up my diary habit mostly because I’m eager to see how 50-year-old Jordan will eventually interpret the mind of 11-, 18-, and 25-year-old Jordans.

_________________________________ ResearchBlogging.org

Szőllősi, A., Keresztes, A., Conway, M., & Racsmány, M. (2015). A diary after dinner: How the time of event recording influences later accessibility of diary events The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 1-6 DOI: 10.1080/17470218.2015.1058403

Post written by Jordan Gaines Lewis, a PhD student at Penn State College of Medicine studying sleep and obesity in adolescents. She blogs about neuroscience at Gaines, on Brains. Follow on Twitter @GainesOnBrains

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Tuesday, 28 July 2015

Why words get stuck on the tip of your tongue, and how to stop it recurring

Someone in a tip-of-the-tongue state will invariably writhe about as if in some physical discomfort. "I know it, I know it, hang on ..." they will say. Finger snapping and glances to the ceiling might follow, before a final grunt of frustrated submission – "No, it's gone".

Psychologists studying this phenomenon say it occurs when there is a disconnect between a word's concept and it's lexical representation. A successful utterance requires these two steps are bridged, but in the tip-of-the-tongue state, only the concept is activated (and possibly a letter or two) while the complete translation into letters and sounds fails. What's more, new research shows the very act of being in this state makes it more likely that it will recur.

Maria D'Angelo and Karin Humphreys provoked their participants into experiencing tip-of-the-tongue states by presenting them with the definitions for rare words (e.g. "What do you call an instrument for performing calculations by sliding beads along rods or grooves?"). Sometimes the students knew the word straight-off, other times they said they simply didn't know, but occasionally – and these were the important trials – they said they definitely knew the word, but couldn't quite spit it out.

The researchers quickly (after 10 or 30 seconds) put the students out of this last, uncomfortable tip-of-the-tongue state by telling them the answer. However, a key finding was that being in a tip-of-the-tongue state for a particular word on one occasion increased the likelihood of being in that state again for the same word on later re-testing, whether that second test came 5 mins, 48 hours or one week later (thus replicating and extending previous research by the same lab). This recurrence is despite the fact of having been told the word after the initial tip-of-the-tongue state.

This suggests the state involves an unhelpful learning process. Imagine a hiker who is lost en route to his destination – this is your brain trying to find the path between word concept and letters and sounds. The findings suggest that walking the wrong route once actually makes it more likely you'll get lost again as you unintentionally come to learn the wrong way to your destination.

Consistent with this account, spending more time deliberately but unsuccessfully attempting to resolve a tip-of-the-tongue state made it even more likely that it will recur (but note, contrary to the researchers' prior work, this time this effect was only found when participants put a lot of unsuccessful effort into resolving the tip-of-the-tongue state).

In real life, this means that if you're hopping about in a frustrated tip-of-the-tongue state and I tell you the word you're hunting for, I won't have done you any favours – next time you need that word, you're likely to get stuck again. The researchers believe this is because although I've told you the word, you haven't arrived at it through your own word-searching processes. To follow the hiking analogy, it's a bit like I've picked you up by car and fast-tracked you to your destination – by doing so, I will have done nothing to teach you the correct route.

So, is there anything you can do to help a person in a tip-of-the-tongue state? A clue comes from the fact that when the students in these experiments spontaneously resolved a tip-of-the-tongue state (i.e. they finally managed to find the word before the researchers told it to them), they were subsequently far less likely to get stuck again. Such spontaneous resolutions suggest that the word-search process has managed to resolve itself and when this happens, the correct concept-word connection is usually remembered. This is like the lost hiker managing to find his own way to the destination and remembering the route for future use.

The way to help someone in a tip-of-the-tongue state, then, is to nudge them towards a spontaneous resolution. When the researchers helped their student participants resolve a tip-of-tongue state by giving them the first few letters of the solution, this prevented the state from recurring on later testing. Point the hiker in the right direction and if he finds the right way himself, he will remember the correct route in future. This nicely complements an established phenomenon from research on word learning known as the generation effect: that is, generating words from clues (such as a word stem) leads to better memory for those words than being told them whole.

"These findings may have potential applications for both educational, and therapeutic settings, in which a student or a patient with neurological damage is trying to retrieve a difficult item," the researchers concluded.

_________________________________ ResearchBlogging.org

D’Angelo, M., & Humphreys, K. (2015). Tip-of-the-tongue states reoccur because of implicit learning, but resolving them helps Cognition, 142, 166-190 DOI: 10.1016/j.cognition.2015.05.019

Post written by Christian Jarrett (@psych_writer) for the BPS Research Digest.

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Monday, 27 July 2015

How rudeness spreads like a contagion

University of Florida researchers have finally put a long-standing hypothesis about rudeness to the test. The history to this is a study published in 1999 [pdf] that showed rudeness can create a vicious circle between individuals – if you’re rude to someone, they’re more likely to be rude back at you. What the authors of that paper also speculated though, and the new research investigates, is that an initial act of rudeness creates a "secondary spiral" where offended parties end up dumping on the innocent – meaning, effectively, that rudeness can spread like a contagion.

For the new research, Trevor Foulk and his team began by studying the interactions of 90 graduate students during negotiation training, which was conducted in pairs. After each negotiation, students rated the rudeness and likability of their negotiation partner and then played a series of nine trials that each involved splitting a cash sum with that same partner, either fairly, selfishly, or spitefully accepting a poor prize in order to deny the other any cash at all. Each participant then repeated the same procedure – negotiation followed by financial game – with ten more partners.

To walk through the main finding, let’s take a rude student called Alan. The data showed that if Bella interacted with rude Alan, she would find him less likeable and be likelier to spite him financially. But furthermore, in Bella’s next negotiation session with Carl, he would more likely find her rude, unlikeable and in need of spiting. In other words, one person’s rudeness could spread through many negotiation pairs.

A second study suggested why rudeness has this effect. Here, during a “word-or-nonword” recognition task, the student participants were especially fast at recognising rude-related words, such as boorish or pushy, but only when the start of the experiment had been marred by the experimenter rudely humiliating a latecomer (actually another experimenter undercover). This shows how experiencing rudeness brings it to the front of our minds, which may colour how we interpret other people’s behaviours, thus influencing our own behaviour.

A final study demonstrates this principle, and highlights how these biased interpretations thrive in ambiguous situations. Again, one set of participants witnessed a rude event: a video of an altercation between co-workers in the fictional bookshop within which the tasks were set. Participants then completed a version of the cash allocation task used in the first study: this time sharing proceeds with a customer who’d emailed the bookshop with a query about an undelivered book.

When the query was written in a neutral tone, participants were fair with the cash, but other participants who received an overtly hostile query chose to spite the customer in roughly one in four trials. Whether they’d experienced prior rudeness didn’t sway these choices. A third query version was rude but ambiguously hostile: “I REALLY need those books. I hope this isn’t asking too much!??????” When dealing with this ambiguous customer, participants who hadn’t experienced rudeness gave them the benefit of the doubt, treating them comparably to the neutral customer. But participants who had viewed the earlier rude encounter opted for spite, as if they were dealing with a hostile customer.

Serious workplace problems such as workplace bullying have been shown to act like contagion, systemically infecting organisations if unchecked. This study shows us that smaller behaviours can also make the rounds, and much like the common cold, require only one moment of exposure to kick things off. The difference is that we can’t fully control whether we pass on a cold, but we always have a choice with rudeness: when Bella opts for civility, the secondary spiral spins its last.

_________________________________ ResearchBlogging.org

Foulk, T., Woolum, A., & Erez, A. (2015). Catching Rudeness Is Like Catching a Cold: The Contagion Effects of Low-Intensity Negative Behaviors. Journal of Applied Psychology DOI: 10.1037/apl0000037

--further reading--
The harm caused by witnessing rudeness
“Just try to ignore it”: How neurotic people respond to extreme rudeness at work
Guilt is catching
Self-esteem is catching

Post written by Alex Fradera (@alexfradera) for the BPS Research Digest.

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Saturday, 25 July 2015

Link feast

Our pick of this week's 10 best psychology and neuroscience links:

Making Holidays Work
With the holiday season in full swing, work and organisational psychologist Jessica de Bloom (writing for The Psychologist) takes a tour of the world of vacation research.

Experimental Psychology: The Anatomy of Obedience
Brendan Maher at Nature reviews two films probing notorious US psychological experiments.

Social Priming: Money for Nothing?
Neuroskeptic looks at a new study that failed to replicate the finding that thinking of money makes people more politically conservative.

Neuroscientist Sam Harris Selects 12 Books Every Intelligent Person Should Read
From Bertrand Russell to the Buddha, or why you should spend a weekend reading the Qur’an (from the Brain Pickings blog).

Teenagers Debunked
A transcript of "The Psychologist presents…" at Latitude Festival, supported by the Wellcome Trust. The discussion was chaired by editor of The Psychologist Jon Sutton, and featured cognitive neuroscientist Sarah-Jayne Blakemore and novelist Fiona Neill.

Are You a Head Person or a Heart Person?
At New York magazine, I looked at research that says your answer to this question is telling.

Placebo Effects in Medicine
A useful overview from the New England Journal of Medicine.

Daniel Kahneman: ‘What would I eliminate if I had a magic wand? Overconfidence’
According to the Nobel laureate in this interview with the Guardian, overconfidence "is built so deeply into the structure of the mind that you couldn’t change it without changing many other things."

Me and My New Brain (TV show)
This new documentary from BBC Three tells the stories of people who have survived serious brain injury.

The Strange Phenomenon of Musical Skin Orgasms
Some people feel music so strongly the sensations can be compared to sex. How does a good song move the body and mind in this way, asks David Robson at BBC Future.
_________________________________
   
Post compiled by Christian Jarrett (@psych_writer) for the BPS Research Digest.

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Friday, 24 July 2015

Psychologists reveal our "blatant dehumanisation" of minority groups

Participants used a sliding scale under an image like this
 to indicate "how evolved" they believed an average
member of various racial and ethnic groups to be
Ghanaian footballer Emmanuel Frimpong’s match in Russia last Friday ended nastily: "When the match was stopped,” he said, “the fans started shouting 'monkey' at me.” Redefining human beings as animals in this way, or as vermin, or insects, is no small thing; time and again it’s augured the worst that our species has to offer.

In the wake of the Holocaust, early researchers sought to understand blatant dehumanisation, such as people’s greater willingness to apply an electric shock to subjects who were depicted as inhuman. More recently, researchers have turned to studying “infrahumanisation": a more subtle variant where certain groups are assumed to be less prone to embarrassment, compassion or other more sophisticated human emotions. But blatant dehumanisation is still with us, and a new paper suggests that by measuring it we can better predict people’s intentions (especially when they’re feeling threatened) towards degraded minority groups.

Across several online surveys, hundreds of US and British participants were asked a host of attitudinal questions and asked to rate different ethnic groups on how evolved they were, using a graphic depicting the famous "Ascent of Man" (see picture). By setting a slider somewhere between the two ends, participants were free to consign ethnic groups to being less than human.

Initial results found US citizens dehumanise Arabs and Muslims the most, so the paper focuses on these groups, although a similar, weaker pattern of results was also for the other groups, such as South Korean or Mexican people.

Where the US participants placed the Arabs on the Ascent scale turned out to be revealing of their wider attitudes: it correlated with their desire for reducing Arab immigration, lack of sympathy towards an unjustly treated delinquent teen of Arab ethnicity, and endorsement of acts of violence, such as advocating torture or bombing an entire Arab country (this was true even after controlling for measures of infrahumanisation).

The scale seems particularly useful when the in-group feels under direct threat of violence. In the two weeks following the Boston Marathon bombing, US participants showed significantly higher Arabic dehumanisation on the Ascent scale than in data collected two months before. This was again a strong predictor of many of the measures described above and of eliminativist attitudes such as agreeing with a tweet that all Muslims should be wiped off the face of the earth. A similar result was obtained with a British sample following the murder by Islamic converts of the off-duty British soldier Lee Rigby: dehumanisation of Muslims was high, and this time correlated with support for drone strikes, punitive treatment of the perpetrators, and aggressive counterterrorism policy against Arabs and Muslims.

In this paper’s initial surveys, the measures of more subtle dehumanisation (infrahumanisation) had offered some explanatory value, sometimes overlapping with the Ascent scale results, sometimes complementing them. This was much less so in these last two post-crisis situations. Pre versus post Boston Marathon, the participants’ subtle dehumanisation scores didn’t budge, failing to reflect the overt changes in attitudes evinced by the participants (on immigration etc), or the hostile advocacy of the US-Boston participants and the UK-Rigby participants.

This is not to say that measures of infrahumanisation are redundant – they capture a different aspect of “Othering", one that could occur in low-stakes, everyday interactions. But this more subtle dehumanisation appears to shift more slowly – perhaps through the drip-drip of culture – whereas blatant dehumanisation, as measured by the Ascent scale, seems to better capture our states of mind in volatile contexts. In an age where nationalism and ethnic identity are returning to the political centre stage – from the rise of the European far-right to the emergence of the so-called Islamic State which treats those unlike themselves as non-human – it’s important that we are able to measure and understand this treatment of “the other.”

_________________________________ ResearchBlogging.org

Kteily, N., Bruneau, E., Waytz, A., & Cotterill, S. (2015). The Ascent of Man: Theoretical and Empirical Evidence for Blatant Dehumanization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology DOI: 10.1037/pspp0000048

--further reading--
Seeing others as less than human
Robot prejudice
The psychology of violent extremism digested
Committed nurses cope with stress by dehumanising themselves and their patients

Post written by Alex Fradera (@alexfradera) for the BPS Research Digest.

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Thursday, 23 July 2015

Why fathers might want to thank their handsome sons

Women rated men's faces as more attractive when they were shown alongside a good-looking son
If you're the father to a good-looking boy, you might want to give him your thanks – his handsome looks apparently mean women will tend to find you more attractive. That's according to a new study by Pavol Prokop at Trnava University in Slovakia, who says the result is consistent with the established idea from evolutionary psychology that women instinctively pick up on cues to the quality of a man's genes.

Just as past research has shown that women, on average, find taller men with symmetrical faces more attractive because such features are indicators of good genes, the new finding suggests a man's offspring also influence women's judgments about his attractiveness. If a man can sire a handsome boy, the instinctual logic goes, then he must be in possession of valuable genes.

In the first experiment, Prokop presented dozens of young women with several triads of photographs showing an attractive or unattractive young man alongside pictures of two boys, one attractive, the other less attractive. For each triad, the women's task was to say which boy the man was father to. The finding here was that the women were more likely to assume that attractive men were fathers to attractive boys (and unattractive men the fathers of less attractive boys). This simple test lay the groundwork for the remainder of the study, confirming that women generally assume that attractive fathers have attractive sons.

Next, nearly three hundred more young women rated the attractiveness of a series of attractive and unattractive men's faces, each of which was presented alongside a boy (also attractive or unattractive), who was supposedly the man's son. In truth, but unbeknown to the participants, none of the pictured men and boys were actually related. A further detail was that each man was described either as the biological father or step-father to the boy shown alongside him.

When a man's face was presented alongside what participants believed to be his handsome son, he (the putative father) tended to receive higher attractiveness ratings from the participants, than if he was depicted with an unattractive son. There was some evidence that this effect was greater for unattractive men, and the effect was more apparent when men were described as biological fathers than as stepfathers. A weakness in the methodology (there were no sons of neutral attractiveness), means we can't know how much attractive sons were making their fathers appear more handsome to the women, compared with how much unattractive sons were having the opposite effect.

If handsome men are more likely to sire handsome children, and those handsome children exaggerate their fathers' attractiveness still further, a self-perpetuating cycle could be set in motion that might help explain a previous finding: attractive men tend to have more children (within the same marriage) than less attractive men. Of course there's also the possibility that the attractiveness boost gained by having a handsome son could leave a man more open to advances from his partner's female rivals (known as mate-poaching in evolutionary psychology), a possibility that awaits further research.

The main finding of this research – that fathers are rated more attractive when their sons are good-looking – is open to some counter-interpretations. For example, perhaps there was a simple priming effect at play and seeing any attractive image alongside a man's face would lead that man's face to receive higher attractiveness ratings.

Prokop tested that possibility in a further experiment in which men's faces were presented alongside attractive or unattractive non-human pictures, such as nature scenes and buildings (e.g. a beautiful beach versus a dirty beach). This time, women's judgments about the attractiveness of handsome men were unaffected by whether a beautiful or ugly scene or object appeared alongside them, suggesting the effect of a handsome son on a father's attractiveness is unique.

However, unattractive men did benefit from higher attractiveness ratings when their faces were shown alongside a beautiful scene or object. This is good news for men who don't have film-star looks – after all, while the influence of genetic inheritance means they are less likely to have the chance to bask in the reflected beauty of a handsome son, this result says they can easily turn to other means of boosting their attractiveness instead. For example, Prokop said they could try "wearing fashionable clothes."

_________________________________ ResearchBlogging.org

Prokop, P. (2015). The Putative Son’s Attractiveness Alters the Perceived Attractiveness of the Putative Father Archives of Sexual Behavior, 44 (6), 1713-1721 DOI: 10.1007/s10508-015-0496-2

--further reading--
You hunky smile magnet
The downside of being good-looking AND wealthy
Shiny, swanky car boosts men's appeal to women, but not women's appeal to men
Men feel more physically attractive after becoming a father
Freud was right: we are attracted to our relatives

Post written by Christian Jarrett (@psych_writer) for the BPS Research Digest.

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Wednesday, 22 July 2015

What kind of mass murderer is likely to die in the act, and why should we care?

There's a striking fact about mass murderers – an extremely high percentage (around 30 per cent) of them die in the act, either by suicide or because of deadly police force. Of course, only a saint would likely be moved to feel sympathy by this statistic, but a new paper digs into the reasons behind it, in the hope that doing so could help prevent future killings.

The formal definition for a mass murderer, as opposed to a serial killer, is someone who kills four or more people in the same act, "with no distinctive time period between the murders". This includes religiously inspired suicidal bombers, family killers (where one family member murders his or her partner and their children), and rampaging school shooters.

Researcher Adam Lankford at the University of Alabama (author of The Myth of Martyrdom) hired a crack team of investigative journalists to identify all the mass murders committed in the US between 2006 and 2014. The team mined media reports, FBI records and local police reports to find details of 242 cases of mass murder. Averaging 4.9 victims, and with over 90 per cent of the perpetrators being male, the crimes were coded according to several basic features such as killing type and age of offender, allowing Lankford to establish whether there was anything distinctive about the 31 per cent of mass murderers who died in the act (80 per cent died by suicide) compared with those who survived.

Gender wasn't a relevant factor, but older mass murderers were more likely to die, as were killers who operated alone (48 per cent of those who lived had a co-offender compared with just 5 per cent of those who died). Mass murderers who died also tended to kill more victims (an average of 5.5. versus 4.6 victims among the surviving killers). Regarding types of mass murder, family killers were the mostly likely to end up dead (61.7 per cent), followed by public killers (i.e. rampage shooters and such like; 28.7 per cent), perpetrators of miscellaneous mass murders (e.g. gangland killings or neighbour disputes; 5.3 per cent) and robbery-related mass killings (4.3 per cent).

Why should we care about these statistics? Lankford's thesis is that they support the notion that "suicidal motives play a major role in the behaviour of many mass murderers". He draws on the work of the nineteenth century French psychologist Émile Durkheim to suggest that many of the mass murderers effectively took their own and other people's lives either as an act of egoistic suicide ,"whereby people who lack social connections and the moderating influences of others are more likely to spiral into suicidal despair"; or anomic suicide, in which "[the killer's] anger and actions may lack clear purpose or direction"; or altruistic suicide, "which is carried out by people who feel they are serving some greater good".

Lankford points to the parallel between suicide statistics for the US population as a whole (where suicide rates correlate with greater age) and the fact that older offenders were more likely to die – "it is interesting that despite the aberrational natures of their crimes, mass murderers seem to fit with these basic demographic trends," he says. He also notes the apparently powerful protective influence of a co-offender. "Even among this extremely violent minority of homicide offenders," he writes, "the presence and social influence of fellow offenders may be critical to preventing a self-orchestrated death."

Lankford acknowledges that the exceptionally high rate of suicidal deaths among family killers may seem to contradict Durkheim's writings on suicide (Durkheim said that the married person's family bonds would keep them stable). But Lankford argues that "in the case of many family killers, that connection has clearly been broken" – frequently because the murderer suspects infidelity or feels abandoned in some way by the family.

One of Lankford's most important messages is that a "side-benefit" of improved suicide prevention strategies is likely to be a reduction in the occurrences of mass murder. And he warns that just as high-profile (non-homicidal) suicide cases often prompt a temporary increase in suicide rates, "it appears that some recent mass murderers have been influenced and inspired by their knowledge of other highly publicised killers." One preventive strategy in this context, he says, is for the media to avoid glamorising mass murderers and to deter potential copycats by covering "... the more humiliating aspects of the killers' own deaths, such as the fact that their bowels often release and leave their body soaked in urine or feces".

_________________________________ ResearchBlogging.org

Lankford, A. (2015). Mass murderers in the United States: predictors of offender deaths The Journal of Forensic Psychiatry & Psychology, 1-15 DOI: 10.1080/14789949.2015.1054858

--further reading--
The Psychology of Violent Extremism - Digested
How killing begets more killing (of bugs)
The psychology of female serial killers

Post written by Christian Jarrett (@psych_writer) for the BPS Research Digest.

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